
Abstract
An adversary’s nuclear detonation in space could cripple the U.S. and allied nations’ space systems deteriorating America’s military and economic advantages. While near-term, radiation belt remediation, rapid re-launch, hardened on-orbit spares, and airborne or terrestrial replacement capabilities could provide some threat resilience, more preparation is desirable with time and investment. This analysis argues that system resilience must come from the ability to build-back, not just defend this critical infrastructure. That means developing an off-Earth supply chain and industrial base that can restore critical space capabilities from above, even after major loss. Using Lunar resources and nearby asteroids, coupled with in-space construction, may enable the United States to deny an adversary the ability to deny others space access. The essential path forward is this: the United States must build in-space capacity now, to deny adversarial coercion and ensure American space dominance through in-situ recovery and regeneration capability in space. In doing so, the United States enables spacepower projection through the strategic depth of Cislunar and beyond. To operationalize this potential, America’s space leadership must align, update, and develop new strategies to sustain a robust off-earth industrial base.
Nuclear Threat in Low Earth Orbit
In-space resources and in-space assembly could mitigate the impact of an adversary use of a nuclear weapon in Low Earth Orbit (LEO), and meet national space policy priorities, but the United States must first lay the groundwork.[1]
The potential of an adversary to detonate a nuclear weapon in space puts the United States—in fact the entire world—in a reactive second-mover role.[2] Low Earth Orbit hosts hundreds of billions of dollars of deployed capital which generates and supports trillions of dollars of economic activity on Earth.[3]
Any country with the capability to produce or purchase a fission bomb and produce or purchase an intermediate range ballistic missile or small launch vehicle could technically mount such an attack. There are countries where such an attack would result in little self-harm, with asymmetric benefits to the suffering of others. Some of these countries, such as North Korea, may be incentivized to attack.[4] Most recently, the United States has focused on Russia.[5] Such a system provides the opportunity for strategic coercion or ‘resetting the board’ at low cost. This exploitable vulnerability highlights the need for strategic depth beyond LEO, consistent with the nation’s need for power projection deep and deterrence into space.
Threatening to “blow it all up” is a form of nuclear blackmail. Doing it would be costly, and would damage the United States and global economy and would compromise American warfighting advantage. Such a detonation could take out critical Radio Frequency capabilities including electrical and signals intelligence, military satellite communications, synthetic aperture radar, and soon-to-be fielded capabilities such as Air Moving Target Indications important for air and missile defense, and Ground Moving Target Indications critical for prosecuting moving targets.[6]
In the absence of a system like Golden Dome that could intercept and negate such a threat in space or upon launch, there is little that can protect against such an attack.[7] In addition, without a human intelligence warning in advance, it may be hard to detect and prevent such an attack. It may be even harder to simply confirm a nuclear weapon is on orbit.[8]
A single nuclear detonation may destroy everything in Low Earth Orbit within a month, leaving dangerously unguided hypersonic satellites careening around Earth.[9] Satellite collisions in the densest orbits could start within days, fouling those orbits, potentially for hundreds to thousands of years.[10] Depending on the size of the explosion, severe radiation could be trapped in the Van Allen Belts for over a year before the belts decay to the point that newly launched satellites could survive.[11]
Current Response Options
The recent executive order directing the Secretary of War to “implement a space security strategy that accounts for United States interests in, from, and to space; addresses current and projected threats to United States space interests from very low-Earth orbit through cislunar space; and incorporates a technology plan for detecting, characterizing, and countering potential adversary placement of nuclear weapons in space” [emphasis added] and to “implement a plan for a responsive and adaptive national security space architecture to support the space security strategy and other relevant priorities established in this order.”[12]
However, the fact that an executive order calls this out suggests that, at present, the United States is not postured to respond to this threat or the resulting catastrophe.[13] American spacepower requires strategic and deliberate investment in Cislunar capabilities and off-earth resiliency. There is currently a limited suite of options: immediate response, radiation belt remediation, and ground-based reconstitution.
Even so, the adverse effects of an effective nuclear detonation on orbit would be catastrophic, with nearly every LEO satellite dying within a week, and 10,000 to potentially over a million derelict objects undergoing cascading collisions. The United States may decide to launch Herculean efforts to de-orbit satellites before they fail and the United States could use (currently experimental) active debris removal technology to remove the highest risk collisions.[14] This would be followed with a ready-to-launch fleet of radiation-hardened replacement satellites. America could attempt to use experimental very-low frequency technologies to de-pump the Van Allen belts.[15] But even with pre-positioned radiation-belt-remediation assets, the lethal dose is reduced from only 1.5 years to several months.[16]
Regardless of the courses of action, the United States would be unlikely to reconstitute immediately. The United States would suffer months without reliable on-orbit national security assets in lower orbits, with solutions existing only at great cost. Given that Tranche 0-2 of the Proliferated Warfighter Space Constellation cost $10.8B and the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO) Starshield contract cost $1.8B (which does not include NRO’s classified high-end LEO reconnaissance), even a minimum replacement is likely to cost tens of billions.[17]
Airborne substitutes are less efficient in their coverage and may cost more to attempt to mitigate the loss. Such a space reconstitution capability also assumes the United States has launch capacity available, and the adversary has not denied America’s two major launch sites. But in the age of hypersonics and drone warfare, the security of terrestrial launch sites is contested.
Earth-based Reconstitution Limitations
Even with the full suite of capabilities—radiation belt remediation, rapid re-launch, hardened on-orbit spares, and airborne and terrestrial replacement capabilities—the United States must assess and ensure its deterrence posture is resilient enough to make such an action unattractive to an adversary.

Image Credit: Peter Garretson with ChatGPT
But what if the United States could build back from above? What if an adversary could not deny the United States access to space because we had an Earth-independent supply chain and manufacturing base?[18]
The existence of a Cislunar industrial base operationalizes spacepower projection by ensuring the earth-independent resilience and continuity of space operations. This requires increased integration between the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and Department of War (DoW). America’s national space policy already calls for such an in-space supply chain, and precursor activities taking place at NASA and the Defense Advanced Projects Agency (DARPA).[19]
America’s technology billionaires have expressed outer space ambitions. For example, Elon Musk wants to build factories and electromagnetic catapults on the Moon to produce 500-1000 terawatts per year of data centers, and Jeff Bezos is aiming for a ‘great inversion’ with major industry moving off-Earth.[20] Early synergistic investment can ensure these efforts serve the national posture and defray the burden on the taxpayer.
LEO Matters, but Remains Vulnerable
So, why so much American capability and treasure are resident in LEO? A major reason the United States favors LEO is because it is affordable to get to orbit. Satellites can be lower mass, host smaller cameras, and utilize smaller antennas relative to satellites in other orbits, all due to the lower altitude of the orbit. The large constellations required for LEO to provide persistent coverage also provide some resilience against threats such as ground-launched and co-orbital anti-satellite weapons. They do not, however, provide resilience against a nuclear detonation attack.
In contrast, higher orbits can provide protection against nuclear detonation in a lower altitude, but getting to higher orbits requires larger rockets. Higher orbits require larger antennas, and large antennas require complex schemes to fold up inside small rocket fairings. Designing a deployable antenna that can withstand the gravitational force loading and rattle of launch requires higher mass and still larger rockets.
Resourcing for In-Space Assembly and Manufacturing
Space resources and In-Space Assembly and Manufacturing (ISAM) requirements demand intricate consideration. Microgravity construction is a game changer, making the mass of such an aperture 10 -100x lighter. Even a 500m aperture might require only 40 -100 tons. 100kw of power may be well under a ton. Commercial actors like Lunar Resources and Blue Origin’s Blue Alchemist are already thinking about how to manufacture solar cells from Lunar Regolith.[21] Redwire (formerly Made in Space) and Firmamentum have proposed in-space additive manufacturing (essentially 3D printing) and construction of giant antennas for over a decade.[22] TransAstra, Karman+, and AstroForge are start-up companies focused on advancing asteroid mining.[23] If successful, these companies show the possibility for an end-to-end industrial base that can source material from the Moon and near-Earth asteroids, and construct and power large space systems. Of course, SpaceX’s Starship with refueling, could take 100 tons to Medium Earth Orbit (MEO), well above the charged radiation belts at the altitude where Global Positioning System satellites are based, but this assumes the adversary had not attacked the launch sites in synchroneity with an orbital nuclear detonation. Even if Starship could launch it would still have to survive both the irradiated belts and transit through a potential debris cascade with degraded Space Domain Awareness after an orbital nuclear detonation.
Instead, the United States should seek sources of material already high in the gravity well: the Moon and Near-Earth Asteroids (NEAs). Both the Moon and asteroids have abundant aluminum (and other structural metals like titanium, magnesium, and iron) to build antennas, and silicon from which to build photovoltaics.[24] Once the initial capital investment is made to build an in-space industrial base – investments already underway on the civil and commercial sides – there are benefits for space mobility and logistics. For example, compared to launching to MEO from Earth, launching mass from the Moon to MEO requires 2.5 times less energy, (~42%) and five times (~22%) less energy between a solar-orbiting asteroid to the second Sun-Earth Lagrange Point.[25] That means that to deliver the same payload to MEO, you’d need 4-7 times less propellant from the Moon, and 18x less propellant from an Asteroid industrial park.[26]
It may be difficult to think about tens of metric tons in MEO but the fact that one 10m diameter asteroid—the kind that often passes through Cislunar Space, and can be maneuvered—is 680 to 4,100 tons.[27] Or that a simple Lunar Mass Driver (deployable with four Starships) could launch one ton every two hours (or 4,380 tons per year).[28] There must be investment in the capability to turn such abundant raw materials into products that could provide strategic advantage in the longer-term at lower energy cost.
In-Space construction using additive manufacturing could proceed robotically, using the type of ISAM technologies directed by an existing national strategies and guidance.[29] These are miniscule compared to Elon Musk’s suggestion that multiple mass drivers on the Moon could support 500-1,000 terawatts per year of data center construction.[30] Early defense investment may catalyze and then benefit from where the space economy is heading.
Challenges and Solutions to National Space Policy
The United States could be in a position to mitigate the effects of a nuclear detonation in LEO within a decade. The problem of course is the lack of focus to develop such capabilities by the DoW, the Intelligence Community, and NASA. The DoW has been slow to advance in-space servicing. The White House’s National Cislunar Science and Technology Strategy did not assign or encourage the DoW to develop Cislunar capabilities.[31]
Moreover, the United States Space Force (USSF) has yet to address and invest in cislunar Space Mobility and Logistics, ISAM, and space mining.[32] DARPA also requires investment in this area, with the Robotic Servicing of Geosynchronous Satellites demo a decade behind projected timelines.[33] NOM4D was a start along these lines, and needs to go bigger because it did not sufficiently press on the aspect of construction from Lunar materials.[34] The visionary LunA-10 study has not transitioned into a major Lunar industrial development program.
NASA cancelled both On-orbit Servicing, Assembly and Manufacturing vehicles, and current NASA investment in in-Space Resource Utilization technologies are measured in the tens to low hundreds of millions of dollars annually rather than the billions spent on Artemis - less than 2% of the annual cost of the $8.3B/year Artemis program.[35]
Top-level DoW direction and dedicated investment in the critical technologies for an off-Earth Supply chain is needed so that it can be positioned to counter the threat of a nuclear detonation on orbit with replenishment from above.
Those investments include: facilitating the companies and universities looking to do: Lunar Mining (OffWorld, Interlune, Starpath, and Ethos Space) and Asteroid Mining (TransAstra, Karman+, AstroForge,); create structural and functional materials from Lunar and Asteroid regolith (Lunar Resources, Blue Origin, and Cislunar Industries); in-space construction of large apertures (ARKA (formerly Firmamentum), Redwire, and Relativity).[36]
This also includes work advancing Lunar landing pads and Lunar Mass drivers on the Moon (Auriga, General Atomics, General Dynamics, and SpaceX) and Lunar Space Elevators (Liftport).[37]
These capabilities still need to mature, but once they are in place, the United States will have an Earth-independent industrial base. Whereas today an adversary need only attack LEO and launch sites, in the future the adversary would realize that the denial of Earth-based launch and production does not prevent the United States from reconstitution from above—denying an easy victory. The adversary faces the difficulty of denying Earth and Space industrial and launch facilities—a much more complex task. The preemptive attack of U.S. in-space industrial capabilities would tip an adversary’s hand and alert the United States to an impending attack elsewhere such as in LEO, providing warning time. The difficulty of accomplishing a fait accompli is likely to deny first mover advantage and aid in deterrence.
These competencies both address the orbital nuclear threat to the nation and build strategic depth. An off-Earth industrial base that provides the basis for whole-of-nation spacepower and warfighter advantage must advance America’s grand strategy to “incorporate the inner solar system into our economic sphere.”[38]
Dynamic Space Operations[39]
The same in-space resources may enable the construction of fuel depots and tugs, and provide the asteroid or Lunar-sourced propellant with which to fill them. Such a capability is game-changing, enabling inconceivable scale, reach, and pace of military space operations—and capabilities required to “Securing and defending American vital national and economic security interests in, from, and to space” and to “detect, characterize, and counter threats to United States space interests from very low-Earth orbit and through cislunar space.”[40] Such capabilities would also advance USSF and United States Space Command’s goals for sustained maneuver, maneuver without regret, and dynamic space operations, providing strategic logistics and sustainment in deep space beyond GEO (XGEO).[41] These are the exact capabilities the Space Force’s Future Operating Environment 2040 recognizes: “The Space Force’s mandate is to ensure freedom of action and navigation across the Earth-Moon system, to protect Lines of Communication, and to deter aggression with credible combat power.”[42]
National space policy goals call on the DoW to “secure the Nation’s vital economic and security interests, unleash commercial development, and lay the foundation for a new space age.”[43] Moreover, national space policy intends to expand vital economic interests. This new space age is headed toward Cislunar, establishing the aim of “Growing a vibrant commercial space economy through the power of American free enterprise . . . fostering economic growth, attracting at least $50 billion of additional investment in American space markets by 2028” including the establishment of “a permanent lunar outpost by 2030” leading to “robust space industrial base” including “near-term utilization of space nuclear power by deploying nuclear reactors on the Moon and in orbit, including a lunar surface reactor ready for launch by 2030.”[44]
The nation has tasked the DoW with “Securing and defending American vital national and economic security interests in, from, and to space by” including the “ability to detect, characterize, and counter threats to United States space interests from very low-Earth orbit and through cislunar space, including any placement of nuclear weapons in space” and “creating a responsive and adaptive national security space architecture by accelerating acquisition reform, integrating commercial space capabilities, and enabling new market entrants.”[45] In particular, the Secretary of War and Director of National Intelligence and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs are tasked to identify “any technology, supply chain, or industrial capacity gaps.”[46] The lack of a deliberate strategy to create an Earth-independent in-Space defense industrial base based on space mining and in-space manufacturing and assembly is exactly such a capacity gap.
This mitigation strategy of “resilience from above” responds to senior leadership guidance, and enables “the next century of space achievements.”[47] The task comes at a time when the administration has proposed a doubling of the Space Force budget.[48] The Space Force has also created a dedicated Cislunar Office and acquisition task force.[49]
The task, the resources, and an organizational infrastructure can facilitate an in-space industrial base that constitutes an inherent “deterrence by denial” strategy to mitigate the threat and expand Space Force Cislunar and Space Mobility and Logistics advantage.[50]
Just as DARPA’s attempt to create durable nuclear command and control (e.g., ARPAnet) gave rise to the massive internet economy, DoW investment in a space architecture resilient to the specter of an on orbit nuclear detonation may give rise to an off-world industrial web that secures American dominance in the rapidly growing space economy.[51]
Conclusion
Securing America’s continued space dominance requires an off-earth industrial capacity investments. The ultimate solution to a nuclear weapon in space will not be found in LEO but instead can be made by capitalizing on ISAM in Cislunar space. In doing so, immediate threats may be mitigated. Such a strategic approach would position the United States for unchallenged dominance in space.
Dr. Peter A. Garretson is a retired United States Air Force Officer. He has extensive experience in the fields of space, strategy, and foreign policy. The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official guidance or position of the United States Government, the Department of War, the United States Air Force, or the United States Space Force. If you have a different perspective, we’d like to hear from you.
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[4] Henry Sokolski, Pyongyang Goes Nuclear in Space: An After-Action Report (Occasional Paper 2301) – NPEC, January 17, 2023, https://npolicy.org/pyongyang-goes-nuclear-in-space-an-after-action-report-occasional-paper-2301/.
[5] Dan Luce, “Pentagon Official Warns Russian Anti-Satellite Nuclear Weapon Could Be Devastating,” NBC News, May 1, 2024, https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/pentagon-official-warns-russian-anti-satellite-nuclear-weapon-devastat-rcna150314.
[6] Theresa Hitchens, “AMTI ASAP: Space Force Readying Multi-Source Acquisition for Satellites to Track Aircraft,” Breaking Defense, December 11, 2025, https://breakingdefense.com/2025/12/amti-asap-space-force-readying-multi-source-acquisition-for-satellites-to-track-aircraft/; Michael Marrow, “9 Firms Win Orbital AMTI Deals, Space Force Says,” Breaking Defense, April 17, 2026, https://breakingdefense.com/2026/04/9-firms-win-orbital-amti-deals-space-force-says/.; Audrey Decker, “Space Force to Launch Ground Target-Tracking Satellites in 2028,” Defense One, August 4, 2025, https://www.defenseone.com/defense-systems/2025/08/space-force-launch-ground-target-tracking-satellites-next-year/407208/.; The specific effects are effects are complicated, and depend on the altitude, longitude, yield, prompt effects (immediate radiation) versus delayed effects (i.e. radiation dose from charged Van Allen belts) and specific hardening of particular satellites.
[7] Donald J. Trump, “Executive Order 14186 the Iron Dome for America,” Federal Register, February 3, 2025, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/02/03/2025-02182/the-iron-dome-for-america.
[8] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
[9] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
[10] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
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[12] Order, “Ensuring American Space Superiority,”; White House, “Ensuring American Space Superiority.”
[13] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
[14] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
[15] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
[16] Garretson and Harrison, Space Nuclear Weapons Analysis.
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[25] Relative energy to reach Middle Earth Orbit: Energy to reach orbit scales with velocity squared: E ∝ v^2
Approximate velocity changes: Earth to Middle Earth Orbit: ~4.0 km/s (from Low Earth Orbit); Moon to Middle Earth Orbit: ~2.5 km/s; Low DeltaV asteroid near Sun–Earth Lagrange two: ~1.8 km/s; Energy ratios: (2.5 / 4.0)^2 ≈ 0.4 → ~40–45% of Earth case (~2.5× less energy); (1.8 / 4.0)^2 ≈ 0.2 → ~20–25% of Earth case (~5× less energy); Thus, material sourced from the Moon or nearby asteroids requires substantially less energy to deliver to Middle Earth Orbit than launch from Earth.
[26] Propellant scaling for delivery to Middle Earth Orbit: Rocket equation: Δv = ve × ln(m0 / mf); Propellant fraction:
mp / mf = exp(Δv / ve) – 1; Using representative Δv: Earth to Middle Earth Orbit: ~4.0 km/s; Moon to Middle Earth Orbit: ~2.5 km/s; Low DeltaV asteroid to Middle Earth Orbit: ~1.8 km/s; For a typical chemical exhaust velocity ve ≈ 3.5–4.5 km/s: Earth case: mp / mf ≈ 1.6–2.0; Moon case: mp / mf ≈ 0.7–1.0 → ~4–7× less propellant per delivered payload; Asteroid case: mp / mf ≈ 0.2–0.3 → ~15–20× less propellant; Thus, lower departure Δv drives exponential reductions in required propellant mass for the same delivered payload.
[27] Mass of a small asteroid: Assume spherical body: Mass = (4/3) × pi × r^3 × rho; For diameter = 10 m → r = 5 m:
Volume ≈ 523 m^3; Typical densities: Carbonaceous: ~1,300 kg/m^3; Stony: ~3,000 kg/m^3; Metallic: ~7,800 kg/m^3; Mass range: 523 × (1,300–7,800) kg ≈ 680,000–4,100,000 kg ≈ 680–4,100 metric tons; Thus, even a small ~10 m asteroid contains hundreds to thousands of tons of material.
[28] Andre Sonntag, Strategic Implications of Lunar Mass Drivers as a Dual Use Technology (American Foreign Policy Council, 2026), 69, https://www.afpc.org/uploads/documents/Special_Report_-_Strategic_Implications_of_Lunar_Mass_Drivers-5.27.26.pdf.
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